When Ivory Coast gained independence in 1960, it hit the ground running. The country flourished agriculturally, fueled by its booming cocoa bean exports, and quickly positioned itself as one of the region's success stories. With this prosperity came an open-door policy: Ivory Coast welcomed immigrants from neighbouring countries and even introduced a progressive "nationality by birth" clause, granting citizenship to anyone born on Ivorian soil, regardless of their parents’ origins.
This approach attracted waves of Muslim immigrants, many of whom settled in the northern regions. Over time, their population grew significantly, driven by high fertility rates, and eventually surpassed that of the country’s Christian population.
For over three decades, this system held steady under the leadership of President Félix Houphouët-Boigny. But in 1993, his death triggered a prolonged political crisis - a succession battle that unravelled the stability Ivory Coast had enjoyed and cast a shadow over its future.
Enter the problematic president
When he died, he was succeeded by Henri Konan Bedie, who was the Head of the National Assembly.
With the next elections just two years away, quite a number of opposition outfits started forming. One was the Ivorian Popular Front (Front Populaire Ivoirien) which was led by Laurent Gbagbo. The other was the Rally of the Republicans (Rassemblement des Républicains) which was led by Alassane Ouattara.
Alassane Ouattara stood as a major obstacle to Bédié’s path to victory. As a former Prime Minister, Ouattara had a solid support base and a real shot at winning. Determined to stop him, Bédié chose to target Ouattara’s Achilles’ heel: his ethnic background.
You see, Ouattara was a Muslim. His parents had immigrated to Ivory Coast from Burkina Faso. And while he was an Ivorian by birth, he wasn’t a native. Bedie realized he could bring down Ouattara using this.
Just a few months to the presidential election, Bedie had the National Assembly amend the electoral code to require that presidential candidates should be Ivorian-born with two Ivorian-born parents.
With this strategy in motion, Ouattara was barred from running. Refusing to back down quietly, he rallied his support base, focusing on the Muslim north, a region largely made up of poor immigrants who strongly identified with him.
Sensing an ethnic divide forming, Bédié leaned further into the ethnic card. He introduced the term Ivoirité, a concept that distinguished "true" indigenous Ivorians from those of immigrant descent. Bédié stoked division, painting immigrants as inferior and blaming them for the country’s challenges - unemployment, land disputes, and poverty.
With only one competitor, Laurent Gbagbo, Bédié secured the election victory. But in doing so, he had ignited a fire he couldn’t control. Over the years that followed, the opposition seized on the growing xenophobia, rallying support from those targeted by Bédié’s divisive rhetoric.
The Coup
In 1999, Bedie was eventually overthrown in a coup by former army commander Robert Guei. This happened just 9 months to the 2000 presidential elections.
Despite promising the citizens that his military government would reverse the changes Bedie had made to the electoral code, they did nothing.
By the time the 2000 presidential elections rolled around, Ouattara was still barred from running. This left the contest between Robert Guéï and Laurent Gbagbo. Gbagbo emerged as the winner, but Guéï refused to concede defeat. The standoff escalated into violence, with clashes leaving 206 people dead and 1,207 injured before Guéï’s supporters were ultimately overpowered.
When Gbagbo assumed power, he doubled down on the ideology of Ivoirité, making it even harder for Ivorians of immigrant descent to obtain identity documents or exercise their right to vote. The profiling became blatant, fueling resentment and deepening divisions across the country. The rising tensions boiled over quickly and by January 2001, just two months into Gbagbo’s presidency, an attempted coup rocked the nation.
Rebels, then civil war
In 2002, rebel groups united to form the New Forces of Ivory Coast (Forces nouvelles de Côte d'Ivoire), largely made up of supporters of Alassane Ouattara and Robert Guéï. Their uprising began on September 19, 2002, with a coordinated attack on three major cities, including Abidjan.
The government responded with heavy-handed tactics, demolishing the homes of immigrant workers who were accused of aiding the rebellion. Amid the chaos, Robert Guéï was assassinated while having lunch, and Ouattara’s house was set ablaze.
These events marked the beginning of the civil war, with the New Forces taking control of the north, while President Laurent Gbagbo’s government held the south.
World Cup qualifiers
The date was 8th October 2005. It was the last match of the World Cup qualifiers.
In this particular group was Cameroon, Ivory Coast, Egypt and Sudan. Cameroon was leading the table, a point ahead of Ivory Coast.
On this day, Cameroon would play Egypt at their home stadium in Yaounde. If they won the match, then they would qualify for the World Cup for a sixth time.
On the other hand, Ivory Coast was playing Sudan away. This was a chance for them to qualify for the World Cup for the first time ever. That would only happen if they win their game and Cameroon draws or loses.
The Ivorian squad, famously dubbed the "golden generation," was packed with stars like Didier Drogba, Didier Zokora, Kolo Touré, and Emmanuel Eboué. But even as they dazzled on the pitch in Sudan, they carried the heavy burden of representing a nation suffering under the weight of civil war.
The two matches would kick off at the same time. Ivory Coast knew how much the game meant to them, and so they went on to dismantle the Sudanese team, easily winning 3-1.
Meanwhile, Cameroon took an early lead against Egypt in the 20th minute, but the Egyptians struck back with an equalizer in the 79th minute. As the clock ticked down and the score remained 1-1, Ivory Coast’s hopes for their first-ever World Cup qualification soared.
Huddled together in their changing room, Drogba and his teammates listened anxiously to the radio commentary of the Cameroonian match. Then came the devastating news: Cameroon had been awarded a penalty in the dying seconds of injury time. A goal would snatch Ivory Coast's dreams away.
Pierre Womé stepped up for Cameroon to take the penalty. The moment froze in time as his shot, in a twist of fate, struck the left-hand post and deflected out.
The Cameroonian players fell to their knees in despair while the Ivorians erupted in jubilation. Ivory Coast had done it. They had qualified for the World Cup for the first time in history!
The nation erupted in celebration, united for a moment despite the deep divisions of civil war. As the country rejoiced, a camera entered the Ivorian changing room, capturing a powerful scene.
The players huddled together, arms over each other’s shoulders, with Didier Drogba at the centre, microphone in hand, ready to deliver a message that would transcend football.
"Men and women of Ivory Coast," he began. "From the north, south, centre, and west, we proved today that all Ivorians can coexist and play together with a shared aim - to qualify for the World Cup."
"We promised you that the celebrations would unite the people - today we beg you on our knees." On cue, the players sank to their knees.
"The one country in Africa with so many riches must not descend into war. Please lay down your weapons and hold elections," Drogba urged.
"We want to have fun, so stop firing your guns," they sang joyously.
Back home, the party had already started. Even the rebel capital of Bouake in the north was in a celebratory mood that night.
In the weeks and months that followed, that iconic clip was replayed endlessly on television. It sparked something powerful within the nation, and slowly, both sides of the conflict began to move closer to the negotiating table.
Africa Cup of Nations qualifiers
On June 3, 2007, during the final Africa Cup of Nations qualifier, Ivory Coast hosted Madagascar in a match that would become more than just football.
Initially slated for Abidjan, Didier Drogba made a bold announcement. The game would instead be played in Bouaké, the heart of the rebellion. Whether he sought the president’s approval beforehand remains unclear, but what was certain was Drogba’s influence. By this time, he was revered as a national hero, almost godlike.
On matchday, the stadium was overflowing. Government troops and rebel soldiers, once bitter enemies, stood side by side, united in support of their country. The atmosphere was electric, and it wasn’t long before Ivory Coast took the lead, scoring in the 18th minute. By the 80th minute, they were cruising at 4-0, and Drogba sealed the match with a fifth goal five minutes later.
As the final whistle blew, pandemonium erupted. Fans poured onto the pitch, and people from opposing sides of the civil war embraced in celebration. Security forces scrambled to protect the players, with Drogba receiving special attention as the symbol of hope and unity.
This game played in Bouaké, had achieved what politics and negotiations could not. It brought the country together. Shortly after, the government and rebels signed the Ouagadougou Peace Agreement, ending the war.
But the true hero of this story was Didier Drogba, whose influence extended far beyond football, forever cementing his legacy as a unifying force for Ivory Coast.
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